Tag-Archive for ◊ great depression ◊

Author: John Travis
• Tuesday, February 24th, 2009

A roundup of economic news from around the Web.

  • Privatize the Banks: Writing for the Baseline Scenario, Simon Johnson says it’s time to privatize the banks, since they have been de facto nationalized already. “Why have we de facto nationalized? Because the private credit system – particularly large banks – is weakened and not getting any better. Attempts to deal with the problem banks are apparently blocked by the political power of influential bankers. How then do we really privatize? By exercising leadership: take over insolvent banks and immediately reprivatize them. The new controlling owners can replace the boards of directors (tell me: why haven’t they resigned already?), and these boards can decide who to keep and who to let go from existing management. The taxpayer retains a significant number of shares (or the option to buy common stock) as a way to ensure upside participation – the economy will one day recover, and that will be a very good day for owners of the remaining banks.” Separately, on Salon’s How the World Works blog, Andrew Leonard looks at who’s against bank nationalization. “Barry Ritholtz has a list of who he thinks are for or against nationalization. The first five names on the anti-list are Barack Obama, Tim Geithner, Lawrence H. Summers, Barney Frank and Bernanke. What do those names all have in common? They are in the government, and their every utterance moves markets. Which means, according to David Kotok, the chairman of the money management advisory firm Cumberland Advisors, whose thoughts on the financial markets are frequently featured at Ritholtz’s blog, The Big Picture, that they are almost by definition prohibited from forthrightly endorsing nationalization!“
  • Home Mortgage Deductions: Writing for the New York Times’s Economix blog, Edward Glaeser suggests eliminating a sacred cow. “The Great Depression provided an opportunity to rethink old policies in a major way. In the current morass, everything should, once again, be open for debate. One sacred cow that has long been in need of a good stockyard is the home mortgage interest deduction. So, in the spirit of libertarian progressivism, I suggest gradually reducing the upper limit on the deduction to loans of up to $300,000, and then refunding the tax revenues in a more productive manner. “
  • Good and Bad Banks: On their blog, Susan Woodward and Robert Hall say that a key to having a good bank-bad bank scenario work is to give the bad bank ownership of the good bank. “Much thinking about bank policy takes an old-fashioned point of view by assuming that a bank finances all of its assets through deposits. The good-bank/bad-bank separation has no advantage in that traditional setting. But for a bank that is mostly financed by non-deposit borrowing, moving the non-deposit liabilities to the bad bank has an advantage in dealing with insolvency.”
  • Formula That Killed Wall Street: Writing for Wired, Felix Salmon looks at the model that helped bring down the market. “David X. Li, it’s safe to say, won’t be getting that Nobel anytime soon. One result of the collapse has been the end of financial economics as something to be celebrated rather than feared. And Li’s Gaussian copula formula will go down in history as instrumental in causing the unfathomable losses that brought the world financial system to its knees. How could one formula pack such a devastating punch? The answer lies in the bond market, the multitrillion-dollar system that allows pension funds, insurance companies, and hedge funds to lend trillions of dollars to companies, countries, and home buyers”
  • Compiled by Phil Izzo

    Author: John Travis
    • Friday, January 23rd, 2009

    A roundup of economic news from around the Web.

  • Stimulus Skepticism: On his Marginal Revolution blog, Tyler Cowen says we just don’t know how effective stimulus will be. “I fully admit that I don’t trust the oft-cited evidence that tax cuts are 4x better stimulus than government spending boosts; I think the result is a mirage from underspecified models. Overall we simply don’t know how well the proposed stimulus will work — if at all (is aggregate demand always the relevant war?). It’s a kind of Hail Mary pass, an enduring belief in aggregate demand macroeconomics at the theoretical level, even in light of broken banks, sectoral shifts, and nasty, failing expectations, all mixed in with hard to spend well, slow to come on line, monies. Yes it could work but our agnosticism should be strong rather than just perfunctory. “
  • Krugman Criticism: Writing for the New York Times, Paul Krugman has some criticism of Barack Obama’s inauguration speech. “But my real problem with the speech, on matters economic, was its conventionality. In response to an unprecedented economic crisis — or, more accurately, a crisis whose only real precedent is the Great Depression — Mr. Obama did what people in Washington do when they want to sound serious: he spoke, more or less in the abstract, of the need to make hard choices and stand up to special interests. That’s not enough. In fact, it’s not even right.”
  • Soros on Banks: Writing for the Financial Times, George Soros gives his views on the best way to fix the banks. “The hard choice facing the Obama administration is between partially nationalising the banks, or leaving them in private hands but nationalising their toxic assets. Choosing the first course would inflict great pain on a broad segment of the population – not only on bank shareholders but also on the beneficiaries of pension funds. However, it would clear the air and restart the economy. The latter course would avoid recognising and coming to terms with the painful economic realities, but it would put the banking system into the same quandary that proved the undoing of the government sponsored enterprises (GSEs) – Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The public interest would dictate that the banks should resume lending on attractive terms. However, this lending would have to be enforced by government diktat because the self-interest of the banks would lead them to focus on preserving and rebuilding their own equity. Political realities are pushing the Obama administration towards the latter course.”
  • Compiled by Phil Izzo

    Author: John Travis
    • Friday, January 09th, 2009

    After being dormant for many months, inflation targeting is back as a serious option at the Federal Reserve.

    Ironically, now it’s the risk of outright price declines known as deflation, and not avoiding rapid inflation, that has given new momentum to advocates.

    “The argument for inflation targeting now is much easier to make” with the U.S. facing a “massive deflationary shock,” said former Fed governor Frederic Mishkin, who left the Fed four months ago to return to Columbia University.

    Mishkin and Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke have championed inflation targets as a way to anchor expectations and provide for better economic outcomes. But momentum for the Fed adopting targets was thwarted in 2007 first by Congressional opposition and then the financial crisis.

    Mishkin isn’t alone in still seeing their merits. In the minutes of the Dec. 16 FOMC meeting, released Tuesday, officials discussed as a potential communications tool “a more explicit indication of their views on what longer-run rate of inflation would best promote their goals of maximum employment and price stability.”

    “The added clarity in that regard might help forestall the development of expectations that inflation would decline below desired levels, and hence keep real interest rates low and support aggregate demand,” according to the minutes.

    In other words, a commitment to an inflation target, say annual growth of 1.5% to 2%, would help keep prices from falling outright and prevent the kind of economic chaos that plagued Japan in the 1990s and the U.S. during the Great Depression.

    “The key issue here is the management of expectations,” said Mishkin, who co-wrote a book on inflation targeting with Bernanke when both were academics a decade ago. “It’s just as disastrous if inflation expectations get unanchored in the negative direction…this is exactly what happened in Japan.”

    Until recently inflation targeting was largely seen the opposite way — as an anti-inflation tool. And Congress, particularly House Financial Services Committee Chairman Barney Frank (D., Mass.), never warmed to the idea, since inflation targets in that context suggested tighter monetary policy and, critics said, an elevation of price stability over full employment as the Fed’s primary objective.

    The Fed ultimately scrapped official targets and instead in late 2007 extended their inflation forecast horizon from two to three years and seemed to encourage financial markets to view that third year as a de facto objective.

    But it never really stuck, and in their latest set of economic forecasts in late October, officials admitted their 2011 inflation forecast of 1.4% to 1.7% might be a “bit below” their assessment of what’s consistent with price stability and maximum employment.

    “The horizon is not long enough” to substitute for a target, Mishkin said.

    Of course, by late 2007 the very notion of debating inflation targets seemed like a luxury as the Fed shifted gears to address collapsing housing and credit markets.

    But the question remains: do inflation targets, which are used by many other central banks including the European Central Bank (where deflation seems less of a risk), make sense for the Fed?

    Vincent Reinhart, who headed the Fed’s monetary affairs division during the early days of the debate in 2006 and 2007, thinks they might. “It’s gone from theory to a useful governing device,” he said.

    Reinhart explained that Bernanke faces two problems now that the Fed has effectively shifted from interest rates to quantitative easing as a means to stimulate the economy: communication and governance. The former involves how to explain the purpose of the Fed’s myriad credit programs and resulting expansion of bank reserves. The latter involves the division of responsibilities between the Washington-based Fed Board and the Federal Open Market Committee that includes regional bank presidents.

    Inflation targets address both.

    When official interest rates are as near zero as they are now, the Fed can’t offset deflationary forces with interest rate cuts to keep inflation-adjusted private borrowing costs down. But an inflation target would convey to the public that officials will use other means, like the Fed’s balance sheet, to prevent prices from falling and also keep inflation expectations from falling too low.

    A target might also ease concerns that expansionary fiscal and monetary policy now will sow the seeds of an inflationary outbreak later, and would provide officials a framework with which to eventually unwind their credit programs and rate reductions.

    Targets might also head off any friction between the Board of Governors and FOMC. According to Tuesday’s minutes, a “few” FOMC participants wanted the Fed to consider reserve targets to better coordinate between the Board — which sets new lending facilities — and the FOMC, which controls open market operations.

    And the Fed can move quickly if it wants. “The Fed could announce (an inflation target) as part of the evolution of the communications strategy,” that Bernanke unveiled in November 2007, Mishkin said.

    Officials would have a couple of options. They could simply extend the forecast horizon even further to a fourth or fifth year, in order to make it more clear to the public that their forecast range represents a long-term target. Or they could announce a more explicit FOMC-determined objective.

    A challenge for the Fed would be whether to explicitly tie policy, whether via interest rates or quantitative easing, to that target or simply leave it as a forecast that may or may not be achieved.

    Mishkin doesn’t regret not sticking around the Fed for this inflation target go-around, even if the odds of success seem higher than we he was a policymaker. “From a personal viewpoint, you can’t get depressed when you have ideas and they don’t get implemented,” Mishkin said. “Ideas take a long time to have an impact,” and “when the right time is there, those ideas can be very powerful.”

    And even if it’s for reasons no one would have imagined a few months ago, inflation targeting’s time may be now.

    “I don’t see the dynamics [of the inflation targeting debate] being fundamentally different,” Reinhart said, but “there’s a tactical reason to do it right now, and sometimes tactics dominate.” –Brian Blackstone

    Author: John Travis
    • Saturday, November 15th, 2008

    Min Zeng reports from Washington on the G20 Summit.

    Chinese President Hu Jintao urged the international community to guard against erecting protectionist barriers to trade and investment.

    In a speech Saturday to the first-ever summit of the Group of 20 industrial and emerging nations, the commander-in-chief of the world’s fourth-largest economy said efforts should be made to promote the Doha Round of trade talks and achieve positive developments soon.

    The global trade talks were stalled earlier this year partly due to disagreements between the U.S. and India over farm subsidies. The European Union has also imposed anti-dumping duties on Chinese candles, effective Saturday for six months, after European candle makers complained about losing business to cheaper products from China.

    China’s call against trade protectionism has been shared by other leaders, including U.S. President George W. Bush. Concern has been rising that the biggest financial crisis since the Great Depression has weakened global growth, which in turn, may prompt calls for greater barriers against global trade.